Introduction
The Niger Delta crisis was
initially indexed on a prolonged socio-economic and political alienation marked
by poverty, hunger, disease and environmental degradation. The Niger Delta –
especially in the oil-producing communities – featured perpetuated human
insecurity (basic needs), lack of infrastructures, wanton ecological damages,
theft and unjust distribution of revenue from the sale of oil, coupled with
perceived apathy on the part of government and the multinational oil companies
in spite of significant contribution of crude oil to the Nigerian and global
economy. Thus, the discovery of oil in the Niger Delta, instead of serving as
means of blessing for the region brought total deprivation of the people from
their own property and consequentially endangered meaningful growth and
development. As a result, social conflict[4]
which featured between militants on one hand and the local elites, government
and the multinational oil companies on the other hand ensued. This also degenerated
into the problem of hostage-taking and kidnapping of expatriates in the Niger
Delta region, for whopping ransom. Prominent indigenes and political elites
within the region were not also spared in the hostage for ransom threat. Thus,
what started as resource control militancy, transformed into kidnapping and
hostage taking business in the Niger Delta region, and which has also extended
to other regions in the Country.
Suggesting reasons for the
prevalence and causes of conflicts, Abidde notes that “as inevitable as
conflicts are, they worsen if there is a crisis of governance and weak or
failing institutions”[5].
Nigeria government has apparently proved beyond reasonable doubt that its
failed institutions could not amiably halt the festering crisis in the region.
Rather, the institutions of the state are used as an instrument of oppression
at the detriment of peoples’ wishes. Thus at the initial stage of their
struggle, militants, in championing the course for socio-economic and
environmental emancipation, engaged in sabotaging oil installations, hostage
taking, and carrying out lethal car bombings.[6]
This, perhaps, indicates a pragmatic shift from the initial Ghandi-like
revolutionary struggle[7]
by Ken Saro-Wiwa (after the Isaac Adaka Boro era) to a militarised violent
movement towards ascertaining the wishes and desires of an average people of
the Niger Delta. And, finally, to the worse form of kidnapping and
hostage-taking.
Historically, measures to
curtail the lingering crisis in the region had prompted the establishment of
special federal agencies to find lasting solution to the unwitting phenomena.
Among these special agencies is the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB), the
Oil Mineral Producing Areas commission (OMPADEC) and the current Niger Delta
Development Commission (NDDC). Despite fervent moves towards curbing the
activities of the militants and addressing the problems of the region, the
crisis persisted. Amid the course to avert the unrest in the region, former
President Umar Musa Yar’Adua (Late) in 2009, initiated an amnesty policy meant
to subside the prevailing insurgency, kidnapping, hostage-taking, insecurity
and address issues paramount to the priority of the people of Niger Delta. And
as a final outcome achieve peace and ensure security to lives and properties in
the region..................................................................................
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